Singapore’s aspiring democrats turn to violence

With the vandalism of Singapore's Cenotaph, politics in the nation crossed another 'Red Line.' Violence has crept into Singapore's political sphere.

Let's be clear, spray painting a national monument is violence, not 'graffiti art.' Sure, the structure was not destroyed. Nor does the damage appear irreparable. However, violence against Singapore's history eats at the nation's soul.

Singapore's Cenotaph monument located in the Esplanade Park

Singaporeans, like people everywhere, are shaped by shared historical experiences. The colonial era, including participation in the last century's two world wars, is part of Singapore's recent history.  

As Singapore builds upon its history, citizens aspire for greater freedoms. However, the Cenotaph's vandalism may be interpreted as a sign that some Singaporeans are not ready for greater personal responsibility, a by-product of freedom.

Civil society is a prerequisite for democracy. According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, 'Civil' means, "Adequate in courtesy and politeness; of, relating to, or based on civil law; established by law."

Democracy is more than 'one person, one vote.' Democracy is a culture - a way of thinking. Democracy grants freedoms but requires respect. Democracy is a way for society to establish laws; laws which are just and in line with the ambitions of society.

Respect for the law is paramount for any 'wannabe' democrat.

Undoubtedly, there are those who disagree with some prevalent laws. Consider the gay community with its repugnance for Section 377A of Singapore's penal code. To their credit, those opposed to Singapore's homosexuality laws are encouraging change in a mature manner – by challenging the statute through Singapore's Supreme Court.

Additionally, there is the example of Singaporean cartoonist Leslie Chew arrested for sedition. The cartoonist proclaims his views openly, not hiding behind a cloak of anonymity. He overtly confronts the system and appears prepared to face the legal consequences. In other words, if laws are perceived to be unjust then transparent, civil disobedience is the answer.

Violence – call it vandalism if you like – is not a catalyst for change. Vandalism in democracy's name is as abhorrent as violence in religion's name.

Misguided passion will not engender more political freedoms, leave alone democracy.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

Leadership lessons from Pope Francis

Crisis management is not an easy task, particularly for a global organization with a mission statement which might read, 'Spread the gospel and the word of God.' Nonetheless, Pope Francis has done an admirable job in reviving the fortunes of the Catholic Church since taking office a few weeks ago. Indeed, his behaviour provides an interesting case study in leadership.

For starters, Pope Francis made his intentions for the papacy clear through his choice of name. Branding and names are inextricably linked. By (unexpectedly) associating himself with a Saint best known for helping the poor and a love for animals, Pope Francis underscored his priorities.

However, branding is more than a name. It is about actions creating a deserved image. At least so far, the Pope practices what he preaches.

The Pope reminds us the Catholic Church, like any religious structure, exists to better the spiritual and material welfare of humans. Undoubtedly, the Pope's behaviour must adapt to the integrity of the high office he now holds – he is no longer an Archbishop in a Latin American country.

Nonetheless, he has refused the elaborate trappings associated with the papacy, preferring the simplicity he was used to as the Archbishop of Buenos Aires. Famously remarking, "This is enough space for 300 people," Pope Francis declined to live in the Pope's ostentatious quarters, instead choosing communal apartments reserved for high Vatican officials in its place.

The Pope appears to stress a 'back to basics' policy. Let's focus the Church and its bureaucracy on alleviating the suffering of people.

The Pope has even broken some cardinal rules, apparently flouting Church canonical law in some instances. Such was the case during the ritual washing of feet during traditional Easter rites. In a 'double whammy' move, the Pope washed and kissed the feet of a Muslim Woman. Never before has any Pope washed the feet of females, leave alone a non-Catholic woman.

Again, the Pope stays true to his own conscience; sets a real example of 'doing good' overriding 'ritual.' Controversial? Maybe. Effective? Yes.

The human defines the office, any office. Individuals bring a personal leadership style to the office, be it the Papacy or CEO of a multinational corporate. First and foremost, these leaders must inspire others to assume ownership of the organization's collective goals. Lest there is any confusion, the Church's goals have been clearly articulated through the Pope's behaviour.

Pope Francis might be exactly what the doctor ordered to rejuvenate the Catholic Church.  Indeed, he has already succeeded in providing hope to millions of Christians the world over. From my point of view, Pope Francis might also usher in a new period of interfaith dialogue between Islam and Christianity, thereby shunning his immediate predecessor's tendency to provoke differences between the two Abrahamic faiths.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

China plays the ‘Russia Card’

During the Cold War in the 1970s, United States President Nixon played the 'China Card' against Soviet Union. The 'China Card' was powerful enough to trump most anything played by America's Soviet opponents. The US won that hand. That was several decades ago.

In 2013, Red China is adeptly playing its own game of global diplomacy. China watchers have replaced yesterday's Cold War Kremlin watchers.

Modern China holds several strong cards. Global financial markets analyze each and every statistic – no matter how trivial – released by the People's Republic of China (PRC). Every move of influential members of the Communist Party of China is analyzed. Hence, when the new Chinese president makes Russia the destination of his first foreign trip, theories about the tour's significance abound. However, the reason for the visit is simple.

China is playing the 'Russia Card,' directed against the US. China is signalling to the US that the world is not completely unipolar; that public hacking allegations against the Chinese military may have consequences.

The US may be the only nation with the ability to intervene militarily in countries far from its own borders, like Iraq, but even the US has constraints. Those restraints come partially in the form of Russia and China.

To be sure, Russia and China are neighbours with shared interests. Close relations between the two erstwhile communist neighbours makes sense. Nonetheless, Russia and the US clearly feel the need to form a loose alliance against the current dominant world power. Neither country wishes to grant the US a license to ride roughshod over the world – something the US did spectacularly unsuccessfully in Iraq.

History is destined to repeat itself, often only with changed names and dates. Surely that is the case with the present Sino-Russian relationship? The American-Chinese relationship of the 1970–80s was something similar: a marriage of convenience built on a mutual mistrust of the Soviet Union. In the new millennium, a 'China-Russia' axis has been partly catalyzed by shared suspicions about US foreign policy actions.  

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

Lessons for Singapore from the island of Cyprus

Singapore's strict banking secrecy laws, sound fiscal management and reputation as a robust legal jurisdiction all combined to transform Singapore into an international private banking hub within the last few decades. Like Singapore, Cyprus too relied upon private banking to act as a vehicle for growth for its residents.  

Cyprus is located in Europe and, despite being a politically divided island, qualified for European Union (EU) membership in 2004. Like the country's 'Big Brother' Greece, Cyprus underwent an attitudinal change following EU membership.

Suddenly, a small island with a population of just over one million people had its future guaranteed by behemoth states like Germany, France and Britain. Cypriot banks became less risky. Russian wealth searching for a 'legitimate' home within the regulated borders of the EU looked no farther than Cyprus.

The Cypriot banking system became awash with cash. Partly as a result of these inflows into its banking system, the Cypriot economy racked up almost USD 107 billion of external debt; a princely amount for an economy with a total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of USD 22.5 billion. By 2012, the services sector, primarily finance and tourism, accounted for almost 81 percent of the Cypriot economy. The finance sector could make or break the small island's economy.

Almost a decade after joining the EU, Cyprus is negotiating a tough economic bailout package with the International Monetary Fund and the EU. As part of the package, depositors in Cypriot banks are expected to pay a levy on bank deposits. In other words, savers will likely be penalized for squirreling money away for a rainy day. Why? Cynics argue the tax is necessary simply because, somewhere along the line, economic managers and bankers got too greedy and precipitated the recent Global Financial Crisis.

Surely, Cypriots should address their economic problems without interference from a Singaporean blogger. The 'if, when and how' of any bank deposit levy is a Cypriot debate.

Nonetheless, there are some lessons for Singapore from recent events in Cyprus, particularly given the importance of financial services and private banking to Singapore.

1.   Singapore must continue to manage its public finances prudently. Economic managers must resist the temptation to 'socialize' the economy and liberally hand out more 'free' services to the population at large. In reality, 'free' services are paid for by taxpayers. Only by avoiding financial crises can the Little Red Dot maintain the confidence of global investors, especially as the government administered Central Provident Fund begins to see net outflows of cash as Singapore's ageing population draws from the mandatory savings scheme.

2.   Financial services rely heavily on an aura of confidence around the Singapore brand. Major unexpected negative events could result in large and rapid outflows of moneys from Singapore's banking system – a catastrophic event for the country's economy. To avoid such an eventuality, policy makers must avoid drastic and unexpected shifts. Additionally, the central bank must continue to work with banks to make certain bank capitalizations are (and remain) more generous than international Basel requirements, even if that means lower bank profits. Singapore is not a member of the EU and the country's lender of last resort should remain the MAS and not an IMF bailout program.

3.   Economic policy makers ought to be conscious of Singapore's dependence on financial services. The ongoing efforts to diversify the economy across several value added service sectors of the economy will be helpful.

Singapore is no Cyprus in the making. Singapore's economy is not drowning in external debt. Typically, the government runs an annual budget surplus. However, like Cyprus, Singapore has a large (oversized?) banking sector reliant upon a high volume of offshore cash deposits. If not properly managed, Singapore's economy contains many of the ingredients required to cook up a domestic financial crisis at short notice.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

Singapore turns to populist politics?

Are Singapore's ruling party members losing their cool? Some of them seem to be extremely worried about losing their seats at the next elections – that is if one goes by some of the 'populist' statements which have started surfacing recently in parliament.

Populist policy ideas do not fall in line with the normal characteristics of the People's Action Party (PAP) historical ruling style. Typically, PAP MPs lead from the front and in a paternalistic fashion, i.e. as a PAP MP I am better qualified to make decisions about Singapore's future so please just trust me; it's for your own good.

These unusual ideas – clearly designed to catch the eyes of voters and popular sentiment – include a National Defence Duty for foreigners as well as providing free public transport for commuters during off-peak hours. (Do these officials remember that Singapore's train and bus companies are publicly listed entities and the Board of Directors has fiduciary obligations towards shareholders?)

To be sure, it is good that elected representatives are suddenly more responsive to their constituencies. Nevertheless, Singaporeans must be concerned about the direction some of its elected leaders appear to be taking. In fact, if such thinking reflects broader views within the ruling party then alarm bells should start to ring.

Singapore did not go from Third World to First World by appeasing all constituencies every step of the way. The political leadership demonstrated a fair balance of vision and compromise. For example, when much of the developing world embraced 'socialism' and left wing thought, Singapore turned to the right and free market policies.

It took courage to go against the grain.

Surely, Singapore faces real issues about the country's future. The city state's economic model – which hitherto relied heavily on population growth through immigration – is under pressure. Its 'true blue' citizens are disturbed as their 'traditional' way of life is disrupted by an unprecedented influx of foreigners: approximately two million in the last two decades. The 'taken for granted' yearly improvement in living standards has sputtered during the last few years.

Expectations are not being met. The traditional social contract is under stress. Singapore's leadership must put its head down and address these issues. Populist, pseudo socialist policies will take Singapore nowhere fast.

Singaporeans like having their voice heard but they still wish to be led by thinkers. Not by people who are willing to sacrifice the country's long term stability for short term gains.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

Reflections from Pakistan X: Lahore’s Mogul heritage

"His eyes might there command whatever stood
City of old or modern fame, the seat
Of mightiest empire, from the destined walls
Of Cambalu, seat of Cathian Can,
And Samarcand by Oxus, Temir's throne,
To Paquin of Sinaen Kings, and thence
To Agra and Lahore of Great Mogul..."

John Milton, Paradise Lost.

Lahore is more than just the city of my mother's birth. It is one city in Pakistan which inherited a significant heritage from the Mogul Empire. The numbers of major and minor Mogul monuments in the city are counted by the dozens. The major architectural sites include the Shalimar Gardens, the Lahore Fort with its Sheesh Mahal (Palace of Mirrors) and Emperor Jahangir's tomb.

From the time that Central Asian warlord, Babur, found his way to Delhi's throne in 1526, it was some years before Lahore got the attention it deserved. Lahore perhaps first came into prominence during Emperor Jahangir's rule (1605-27). Jahangir was the fourth king and son of the Mogul-e-Azam, Akbar.

Emperor Jahangir, the fourth Mogul Emperor and son of Mogul-e-Azam Akbar

One of the lesser known Moguls, perhaps Jahangir's wisest act of state was not to interfere too much with the Empire's machinery he inherited from his father, Akbar. In 1605, the year Jahangir ascended the throne, the Mogul Empire was well established although still expanding its borders geographically. The treasury's coffers were well supplied with revenue from taxation and tributes received from vassal states.

A financially stable empire permitted Jahangir to pursue his interests in arts and culture – and remain inebriated for most of his waking hours! Consequently, while Jahangir's wife (or mother) was running affairs of state Jahangir remained busy enjoying nature, hunting and patronizing the arts.

Possibly due to his love of nature, Jahangir travelled frequently from the Empire's administrative capital in Delhi to Srinagar, Kashmir. Fortunately for Lahoris, the most convenient route to the Kashmiri city went through Lahore. Consequently, Lahore received a fair amount of time and attention from the Jahangir.  

In 1606, some of the King's time was spent constructing 'Hiran Minar' or 'The Deer / Antelope Minaret.' Hiran Minar is a pavilion set in a body of water. The site is dedicated to honouring the memory of the Emperor's pet antelope, Mansraj. To Lahoris, Hiran Minar is just another picnic spot.

Hiran Minar: located on the outskirts of Lahore

In 1627, while en route to Kashmir, Jahangir died at the age of 57. Fittingly, Jahangir is buried in Lahore. In Mogul style, Jahangir's mausoleum is surrounded by lavish gardens creating another recreation spot for Lahoris and tourists alike.

The Mogul fascination with Lahore did not die with Jahangir. It lasted until near the end of the empire. The last of the 'Great Moguls,' Aurangzeb, built the famous Badshahi Masjid – an icon and landmark for modern Lahore. The mosque can accommodate 100,000 worshippers in its prayer halls and courtyard.

Lahore is neither Pakistan's capital nor its commercial hub. However, the capital of Punjab province has rightfully staked a claim as the country's cultural center. One hopes the present generation of Lahoris will do justice to the deeds of their ancestors.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com. 

Reflections from Pakistan IX: Lahore and the 1971 Indo-Pak War

From Pakistan's agricultural heartland of Multan, I travelled to Lahore. As a die-hard Karachite, Lahore always evokes mixed feelings within me. There is the nascent emotion, fuelled by some politicians and segments of the media, of Punjabi perceived hegemony over other parts of Pakistan. Punjab's rise as a major industrial and commercial region in the 1990s, mainly at Karachi's expense, also does nothing to soothe my fears, particularly if Punjab's economic emergence is viewed as an offshoot of the Nawaz Sharif's clan's nepotism.

However, common sense brings me back to reality. By population, Punjab is Pakistan's largest province. It is natural (and logical) that Punjab will play a significant role in the country's affairs, through enlistment in the bureaucracy and the military.

The 'hot button' issues between Punjab and the 'others' pertain to allocation of power and money - matters such as the use of the fast depleting water resources of the Indus River or the federal government powers to collect tax across the four provinces. (The 'others' in the debate being Pakistan's less populated provinces of Balochistan, Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa and Sindh.)

For the moment, I will resist the temptation to jump into the fray and allow the Council of Common Interests to ensure an equitable arrangement for Pakistan's population. I admit, it is a dangerous act –almost treason – to leave such a seminal matter to Zaradari and his henchmen but there are enough vocal critics around the country to give me solace in my silence.

Back to Lahore. My mother is from Lahore. In fact, her family's ancestry places her on the fringes of Lahore's nobility. My grandfather, Sheikh Azimullah, was one of colonial India's first Muslim lawyers. 'Native' lawyers were rare a hundred or so years ago.

As an anti-colonialist, he fought for change in a sustainable manner, through the system. His pragmatic acceptance of the British colonial system is evidenced by his appointment as the Mayor of Lahore by the British. However, as a Muslim intellectual, he rubbed shoulders with Allama Iqbal – the spiritual Godfather of independent Pakistan – and devoted significant efforts towards the uplift of the subcontinent's Muslim community. For this purpose, he founded several educational and charitable institutions.

But my Lahore is different from my grandfather's Lahore. To me, Lahore is where I witnessed the 1971 Indo-Pak war: a modern legacy of hatred born in the post-colonial era.

1971 was an exciting time to be an ignorant five year old boy. At the time, the implications of war and the reality of violence were unknown to me. I never even knew when the war started or ended.  

For me the war was symbolized by the freshly dug trench in our garden, to be used in case of an air raid on the city. It seemed natural for me to watch an Indian air force plane being downed by a Pakistani fighter jet during a dogfight witnessed from our kitchen door. Even a five year old boy could recognize the green and white decals on a Pakistan Air Force plane. (At the time, Pakistan had access to superior Western military technology and was part of the 'Free World.' India, meanwhile, was an ally of communist Soviet Union and India's relations with the West were tense.)  

But my memories of Lahore are much more than simply the 1971 war.

As any young boy in Lahore, I flew kites any chance I got. I will never forget the day a huge kite – the obvious loser in a neighbourhood 'pecha' or kite fight – flew unclaimed into our garden. To this five year old, it was the largest kite ever.

A man cooking breakfast inside the old, walled city of Lahore

Today's Lahore retains some of yesterday's character. The enclosed walled city of the Mogul's still exists. The Shalimar Gardens and Emperor Jahangir's tombs stand. Nonetheless, in so many other ways Lahore is just another of Pakistan's cities. Traffic is horrendous. Population pressures are everywhere. The infrastructure is under serious stress.

Perhaps the best way to describe Lahore is that it is not Karachi! Karachi is a 'youngish' free for all where few have the time to worry about others. Lahore seeps history from its pores and is a goldfish bowl. Everyone watches everyone watching everyone.  

In Lahore, families have histories. Relatives matter. Etiquette and protocol are important. Traditions have faded but not disappeared. For those wishing to escape Lahore's traditions (or family pressures), there still remains the nuclear option: up and move to Karachi.

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Imran is a business and management consultant. Through his work at Deodar Advisors and the Deodar Diagnostic, Imran improves profits of businesses operating in Singapore and the region. He can be reached at imran@deodaradvisors.com.